Unless the administration delivers concrete economic benefits to willing partners and admirers like Argentina and El Salvador, U.S. influence in the region will remain fragile, likely ceding increasing space to China.
In times of deep global uncertainty, defending and strengthening institutions like USAID – which embody the values and principles of U.S. foreign policy – has never been more important.
Maintaining strong U.S.-Panama relations is far more valuable than aggressive posturing by modern Athenians.
Will the interest expressed in a transfer by President Trump succeed where the offer by previous presidents failed?
With right-left polarization amongst the region’s politicians, and growing U.S.-China competition among its economies, Latin America’s most likely response to any U.S. trade actions will be further intra-regional conflict and division.
While AMLO was able to get away with little consequence in his support of Cuba, Sheinbaum’s Mexico could pay for it.
While policy clashes between the elected governments of Mexico and the United States in the coming years appear likely, the degree to which those tensions degrade the commercial relationship and security cooperation that is vital to both will depend on the forbearance and statesmanship of leaders on each side.
Washington should be concerned about the ability of Caribbean countries to handle the challenge of migration, especially as pressures mount from regional political problems, poor job opportunities, and climate change.
If the United States is serious about being Latin America and the Caribbean’s preferred partner, it needs to deepen its own engagement and communication strategy.
The U.S. can help build on Haiti’s transitional milestones and pave a sustainable path out of Haiti’s long-running crises.
