Veinte meses después de iniciado el mandato, el gobierno no sabe de cuántos recursos dispondrá para financiar su promesa de gratuidad y, en consecuencia, tampoco sabe cuántos alumnos se podrán beneficiar ni cómo se implementará el nuevo sistema de gratuidad universal en la educación superior chilena.
Capitalism does need to be saved from its own excesses in Chile, but few public leaders today have the moral authority to do so.
The scandal over price fixing by private cartels that produce toilet paper has left Chileans believing that their market is unfair and going down the toilet.
In the final stages of the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations, the U.S. is still pushing for the elimination of safeguards to regulate capital inflows and capital flight. Those controls have mitigated past crises and prevent others in economies that for decades have been buffeted by financial instability.
This past May, El Salvador suffered its highest murder rate since the end of the country’s civil war 23 years ago. But this grisly flash of news—what journalists in the region call the nota roja—doesn’t give the wider context. There’s another story to be told here beyond the numbers: how Latin American journalists are affected by the violence they cover and how, in turn, their coverage is creating a cultural acceptance of violence.
Recent events have demonstrated how far the region still has to go in improving transparency and civilian control over the intelligence services.
Structural violence is the social, political, and economic disempowerment of particular social groups—racial, sexual, religious, ethnic, etc. How Latin American governments treat groups subject to structural violence says much about the progress made—and how much work is left to be done. And this concept, ultimately, carries implications for rule of law in the region.
Earlier this month, Chile completed an overhaul of its system for electing legislators. This year’s reform presents an opportunity to reexamine the fairness of the system.
Si bien la gente aparece molesta con los escándalos de corrupción, estos escándalos no son peores que otros problemas de tráfico de influencias y conflictos de interés que surgieron en años recientes. La diferencia ahora está en que la economía ya no crece.
With only one university in the top 100, what does this say about the ability of Latin America to produce an educated workforce that can complete in today’s global economy?