In the past decade, journalism has become a deadly profession in Latin America. Attacks on freedom of expression aren’t restricted to journalists; human rights and environmental activists have been targets as well.
The March 28 OAS Permanent Council discussion on Venezuela was a not-so-subtle rebuke to the failed efforts at dialogue. Instead of acknowledging shifting international opinion, though, the next day Venezuela Supreme Court gave the OAS its sharpest example yet of an “interruption in the constitutional process.” Now what?
In June, the OAS will vote for three open seats on the IACHR. Here are the U.S. nominee’s views on the region’s challenges, IACHR’s priorities, and the U.S.’s absence at the IACHR’s recent hearings.
The defeat of U.S. candidate to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights is a troubling sign of declining U.S. leverage and moral authority in the hemisphere, and not just on matters of human rights.
Mexico is a strong, vocal advocate for human rights in international forums. But not so much when it comes to accepting international oversight and action to protect Mexicans’ rights and lives.
Next week the hemisphere’s foreign ministers—including U.S. Secretary of State Tillerson—will gather in Cancun. They will vote on IACHR commissioners and the budget, but will there be real action on Venezuela?
It didn’t seem like much at first—the vote to approve the agenda at June 23 meeting of the OAS Permanent Council. But behind the scenes, Venezuela had been trying to head off a discussion over the state of its democracy. It lost, and with some interesting defections.
President Macri signed a decree prohibiting the application of the 2×1 law to repressors from the Dirty War, following the public outcry that would have placed these crimes on an equivalent level as common crimes and not crimes against humanity.
Last month, we profiled and scored all seven nominees and interviewed the U.S. nominee, Doug Cassel. Yesterday, the OAS elected candidates from Brazil, Chile and Mexico.
President Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela and Rafael Correa exhibit none of the characteristics of the modern, progressive left—such as, support for indigenous communities’ land rights or LGBT rights—so why are they still called leftists? Because they say so.